Historians who track the development of astronomy from antiquity to the Renaissance sometimes refer to the time from the eighth through the 14th centuries as the Islamic period. During that interval most astronomical activity took place in the Middle East, North Africa and Moorish Spain. While Europe languished in the Dark Ages, the torch of ancient scholarship had passed into Muslim hands. Islamic scholars kept it alight, and from them it passed to Renaissance Europe.
Two circumstances fostered the growth of astronomy in Islamic lands. One was geographic proximity to the world of ancient learning, coupled with a tolerance for scholars of other creeds. In the ninth century most of the Greek scientific texts were translated into Arabic, including Ptolemy's Syntaxis, the apex of ancient astronomy. It was through these translations that the Greek works later became known in medieval Europe. (Indeed, the Syntaxis is still known primarily by its Arabic name, Almagest, meaning "the greatest.")
The second impetus came from Islamic religious observances, which presented a host of problems in mathematical astronomy, mostly related to timekeeping. In solving these problems the Islamic scholars went far beyond the Greek mathematical methods. These developments, notably in the field of trigonometry, provided the essential tools for the creation of Western Renaissance astronomy.
The traces of medieval Islamic astronomy are conspicuous even today. When an astronomer refers to the zenith, to azimuth or to algebra, or when he mentions the stars in the Summer Triangle--Vega, Altair, Deneb--he is using words of Arabic origin. Yet although the story of how Greek astronomy passed to the Arabs is comparatively well known, the history of its transformation by Islamic scholars and subsequent retransmission to the Latin West is only now being written. Thousands of manuscripts remain unexamined. Nevertheless, it is possible to offer at least a fragmentary sketch of the process.
The House of Wisdom
The foundations of Islamic science in general and of astronomy in particular were laid two centuries after the emigration of the prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in A.D. 622. This event, called the Hegira, marks the beginning of the Islamic calendar. The first centuries of Islam were characterized by a rapid and turbulent expansion. Not until the late second century and early third century of the Hegira era was there a sufficiently stable and cosmopolitan atmosphere in which the sciences could flourish. Then the new Abbasid dynasty, which had taken over the caliphate (the leadership of Islam) in 750 and founded Baghdad as the capital in 762, began to sponsor translations of Greek texts. In just a few decades the major scientific works of antiquity--including those of Galen, Aristotle, Euclid, Ptolemy, Archimedes and Apollonius--were translated into Arabic. The work was done by christian and pagan scholars as well as by Muslims.
The most vigorous patron of this effort was Caliph al-Ma'mun, who acceded to power in 813. Al-Ma'mun founded an academy called the House of Wisdom and placed Hunayn ibn Ishaq al-'Ibadi, a Nestorian Christian with an excellent command of Greek, in charge. Hunayn became the most celebrated of all translators of Greek texts. He produced Arabic versions of Plato, Aristotle and their commentators, and he translated the works of the three founders of Greek medicine, Hippocrates, Galen and Dioscorides.
The academy's principal translator of mathematical and astronomical works was a pagan named Thabit ibn Qurra. Thabit was originally a money changer in the marketplace of Harran, a town in northern Mesopotamia that was the center of an astral cult. He stoutly maintained that the adherents of this cult had first farmed the land, built cities and ports and discovered science, but he was tolerated in the Islamic capital. There he wrote more than 100 scientific treatises, including a commentary on the Almagest. Another mathematical astronomer at the House of Wisdom was al-Khwarizmi, whose Algebra, dedicated to al-Ma'mun, may well have been the first book on the topic in Arabic. Although it was not particularly impressive as a scientific achievement, it did help to introduce Hindu as well as Greek methods into the Islamic world. Sometime after 1100 it was translated into Latin by an Englishman, Robert of Chester, who had gone to Spain to study mathematics. The translation, beginning with the words "Dicit Algoritmi" (hence the modern word algorithm), had a powerful influence on medieval Western algebra.
Moreover, its influence is still felt in all mathematics and science: it marked the introduction into Europe of "Arabic numerals." Along with certain trigonometric procedures, the Arabs had borrowed from India a system of numbers that included the zero. The Indian numerals existed in two forms in the Islamic world, and it was the Western form that was transmitted through Spain into medieval Europe. These numerals, with the explicit zero, are far more efficient than Roman numerals for making calculations.
Yet another astronomer in ninth-century Baghdad was Ahmad al-Farghani. His most important astronomical work was his Jawami, or Elements, which helped to spread the more elementary and nonmathematical parts of Ptolemy's earth-centered astronomy. The Elements had a considerable influence in the West. It was twice translated into Latin in Toledo, once by John of Seville (Johannes Hispalensis) in the first half of the 12th century, and more completely by Gerard of Cremona a few decades later.
Gerard's translation of al-Farghani provided Dante with his principal knowledge of Ptolemaic astronomy. (In the Divine Comedy the poet ascends through the spheres of the planets, which are centered on the earth.) It was John of Seville's earlier version, however, that became better known in the West. It served as the foundation for the Sphere of Sacrobosco, a still further watered-down account of spherical astronomy written in the early 13th century by John of Holywood (Johannes de Sacrobosco). In universities throughout Western Christendom the Sphere of Sacrobosco became a long-term best seller. In the age of printing it went through more than 200 editions before it was superseded by other textbooks in the early 17th century. With the exception of Euclid's Elements no scientific textbook can claim a longer period of supremacy.
Thus from the House of Wisdom in ancient Baghdad, with its congenial tolerance and its unique blending of cultures, there streamed not only an impressive sequence of translations of Greek scientific and philosophical works but also commentaries and original treatises. By A.D. 900 the foundation had been laid for the full flowering of an international science, with one language--Arabic--as its vehicle.
Religious Impetus
A major impetus for the flowering of astronomy in Islam came from religious observances, which presented an assortment of problems in mathematical astronomy, specifically in spherical geometry.
At the time of Muhammad both Chistians and Jews observed holy days, such as Easter and Passover, whose timing was determined by the phases of the moon. Both communities had confronted the fact that the approximately 29.5-day lunar months are not commensurable with the 365-day solar year: 12 lunar months add up to only 354 days. To solve the problem Christians and Jews had adopted a scheme based on a discovery made in about 430 B.C. by the Athenian astronomer Meton. In the 19-year Metonic cycle there were 12 years of 12 lunar months and seven years of 13 lunar months. The periodic insertion of a 13th month kept calendar dates in step with the seasons.
Apparently, however, not every jurisdiction followed the standard pattern; unscrupulous rulers occasionally added the 13th month when it suited their own interests. To Muhammad this was the work of the devil. In the Koran (chapter 9, verse 36) he decreed that "the number of months in the sight of God is 12 [in a year]--so ordained by Him the day He created the heavens and the earth; of them four are sacred: that is the straight usage." Caliph 'Umar I (634-44) interpreted this decree as requiring a strictly lunar calendar, which to this day is followed in most Islamic countries. Because the Hegira year is about 11 days shorter than the solar year, holidays such as Ramadan, the month of fasting, slowly cycle through the seasons, making their rounds in about 30 solar years.
Furthermore, Ramadan and the other Islamic months do not begin at the astronomical new moon, defined as the time when the moon has the same celestial longitude as the sun and is therefore invisible; instead they begin when the thin crescent moon is first sighted in the western evening sky. Predicting just when the crescent moon would become visible was a special challenge to Islamic mathematical astronomers. Although Ptolemy's theory of the complex lunar motion was tolerably accurate near the time of the new moon, it specified the moon's path only with respect to the ecliptic (the sun's path on the celestial sphere). To predict the first visibility of the moon it was necessary to describe its motion with respect to the horizon, and this problem demanded fairly sophisticated spherical geometry.
Two other religious customs presented problems requiring the application of spherical geometry. One problem, given the requirement for Muslims to pray toward Mecca and to orient their mosques in that direction, was to determine the direction of the holy city from a given location. Another problem was to determine from celestial bodies the proper times for the prayers at sunrise, at midday, in the afternoon, at sunset and in the evening.
Solving any of these problems involves finding the unknown sides or angles of a triangle on the celestial sphere from the known sides and angles way of finding the time of day, for example, is to construct a triangle whose vertexes are the zenith, the north celestial pole and the sun's position. The observer must know the altitude of the sun and that of the pole; the former can be observed, and the latter is equal to the observer's latitude. The time is then given by the angle at the intersection of the meridian (the arc through the zenith and the pole) and the sun's hour circle (the arc through the sun and the pole).
The method Ptolemy used to solve spherical triangles was a clumsy one devised late in the first century by Menelaus of Alexandria. It involved setting up two intersecting right triangles; by applying the Menelaus theorem it was possible to solve for one of the six sides, but only if the other five sides were known. To tell the time from the sun's altitude, for instance, repeated applications of the Menelaus theorem were required. For medieval Islamic astronomers there was an obvious challenge to find a simpler trigonometric method.
By the ninth century the six modern trigonometric functions--sine and cosine, tangent and cotangent, secant and cosecant--had been identified, whereas Ptolemy knew only a single chord function. Of the six, five seem to be essentially Arabic in origin; only the sine function was introduced into Islam from India. (The etymology of the word sine is an interesting tale. The Sanskrit word was ardhajya, meaning "half chord," which in Arabic was shortened and transliterated as jyb. In Arabic vowels are not spelled out, and so the word was read as jayb, meaning "pocket" or "gulf." In medieval Europe it was then translated as sinus, the Latin word for gulf.) From the ninth century onward the development of spherical trigonometry was rapid. Islamic astronomers discovered simple trigonometric identities, such as the law of sines, that made solving spherical triangles a much simpler and quicker process.
by: Owen Gingerich.
Scientific American, April 1986 v254 p74(10) COPYRIGHT Scientific American Inc.
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